Redistricting
In July 2025, Texas enacted new congressional district maps mid-decade — the first state to voluntarily redraw lines between censuses since 2020. The new map (PLANC2333) replaces the post-2020 census map (PLANC2193) and resulting in a shift of several competitive or Democratic-held seats toward Republicans.
Old Map
25R–13D
New Map (projected)
30R–8D
Net shift: 13D → 8D, 25R → 30R projected
Based on 2024 presidential results. Inside Elections finds 27 safe R, 9 safe D, 2 competitive; realistic range is 28–30R. — Inside Elections
Before & After
Highlighted districts show where the biggest changes occurred. Tap a district for details.
Reading the new map
Colors show each district's projected partisan shift after redistricting — darker red means a bigger move toward Republicans, violet means the seat is now competitive.
Flipped to R
Was Democratic, now solidly Republican
Leans R
Was Democratic, now favors Republicans
Toss-up
Was Democratic, now genuinely competitive
Now contested
Was safely D, now a real race
R consolidated
Already Republican, made more so
Unchanged
No significant partisan shift
Key District Changes
District 35Greg Casar (D)
DRMost dramatically redrawn — less than 10% of prior constituents remain. Austin-San Antonio corridor split apart, San Antonio base removed, replaced with rural counties. Nominally 52–60% Latino by population but plaintiffs in LULAC v. Abbott argue the new boundaries dilute minority voting strength. Casar chose to run in new CD-37 instead.
District 28Henry Cuellar (D)
DLean RSouth Texas district gained heavily Latino Hidalgo County while losing parts of Bexar County (San Antonio suburbs). Hispanic CVAP rose from ~69% to ~87% — a 'packing' strategy that concentrates Latino voters into one seat while draining them from nearby competitive districts.
District 34Vicente Gonzalez (D)
DTossupRio Grande Valley district reshaped — heavily Hispanic Hidalgo County removed, conservative Nueces County and Corpus Christi area added. Trump's margin increases from +4.5 to +10 under new lines.
District 18Vacant (formerly Sheila Jackson Lee)
DCompetitiveRestructured to absorb roughly 75% of former CD-9 voters, increasing Black population share from 34% to ~45%. Critics characterize this as 'packing' — concentrating Black voters into fewer districts to reduce overall representation.
District 9Al Green (D)
Safe DCompetitiveApproximately 97% of prior constituents moved out. Majority-white Liberty County (Trump +4-to-1 in 2024) added, reducing minority coalition. Hispanic CVAP set at 50.3% — a razor-thin majority that the court noted 'effectively functions as a white-majority district on Election Day' due to turnout disparities.
District 15Monica De La Cruz (R)
Lean RSafe RAlready Republican-held after 2022 flip. New lines further solidify GOP advantage by adjusting Rio Grande Valley boundaries.
| District | Representative | Impact | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| District 35 | Greg Casar (D) | D → R | Most dramatically redrawn — less than 10% of prior constituents remain. Austin-San Antonio corridor split apart, San Antonio base removed, replaced with rural counties. Nominally 52–60% Latino by population but plaintiffs in LULAC v. Abbott argue the new boundaries dilute minority voting strength. Casar chose to run in new CD-37 instead. |
| District 28 | Henry Cuellar (D) | D → Lean R | South Texas district gained heavily Latino Hidalgo County while losing parts of Bexar County (San Antonio suburbs). Hispanic CVAP rose from ~69% to ~87% — a 'packing' strategy that concentrates Latino voters into one seat while draining them from nearby competitive districts. |
| District 34 | Vicente Gonzalez (D) | D → Tossup | Rio Grande Valley district reshaped — heavily Hispanic Hidalgo County removed, conservative Nueces County and Corpus Christi area added. Trump's margin increases from +4.5 to +10 under new lines. |
| District 18 | Vacant (formerly Sheila Jackson Lee) | D → Competitive | Restructured to absorb roughly 75% of former CD-9 voters, increasing Black population share from 34% to ~45%. Critics characterize this as 'packing' — concentrating Black voters into fewer districts to reduce overall representation. |
| District 9 | Al Green (D) | Safe D → Competitive | Approximately 97% of prior constituents moved out. Majority-white Liberty County (Trump +4-to-1 in 2024) added, reducing minority coalition. Hispanic CVAP set at 50.3% — a razor-thin majority that the court noted 'effectively functions as a white-majority district on Election Day' due to turnout disparities. |
| District 15 | Monica De La Cruz (R) | Lean R → Safe R | Already Republican-held after 2022 flip. New lines further solidify GOP advantage by adjusting Rio Grande Valley boundaries. |