Redistricting
In July 2025, Texas enacted new congressional district maps mid-decade, the first state to voluntarily redraw lines between censuses since 2020. The new map (PLANC2333) replaces the post-2020 census map (PLANC2193) and resulting in a shift of several competitive or Democratic-held seats toward Republicans.
Old Map
25R13D
New Map (2026 + PVI)
30R8D
Net shift: 13D → 8D, 25R → 30R projected
Based on 2024 presidential results. Inside Elections finds 27 safe R, 9 safe D, 2 competitive; realistic range is 28–30R., Inside Elections
Before & After
Highlighted districts show where the biggest changes occurred. Tap a district for details.
Reading the new map
Colors show each district's projected partisan shift after redistricting, darker red means a bigger move toward Republicans, violet means the seat is now competitive.
Flipped to R
Was Democratic, now solidly Republican
Leans R
Was Democratic, now favors Republicans
Toss-up
Was Democratic, now genuinely competitive
Now contested
Was safely D, now a real race
R consolidated
Already Republican, made more so
Unchanged
No significant partisan shift
Key District Changes
District 35Greg Casar (D)
DRMost dramatically redrawn, less than 10% of prior constituents remain. Austin-San Antonio corridor split apart, San Antonio base removed, replaced with rural counties. Nominally 52–60% Latino by population but plaintiffs in LULAC v. Abbott argue the new boundaries dilute minority voting strength. Casar chose to run in new CD-37 instead.
District 28Henry Cuellar (D)
DLean RSouth Texas district gained heavily Latino Hidalgo County while losing parts of Bexar County (San Antonio suburbs). Hispanic CVAP rose from ~69% to ~87%, a 'packing' strategy that concentrates Latino voters into one seat while draining them from nearby competitive districts.
District 34Vicente Gonzalez (D)
DTossupRio Grande Valley district reshaped, heavily Hispanic Hidalgo County removed, conservative Nueces County and Corpus Christi area added. Trump's margin increases from +4.5 to +10 under new lines.
District 18Vacant (formerly Sheila Jackson Lee)
DCompetitiveRestructured to absorb roughly 75% of former CD-9 voters, increasing Black population share from 34% to ~45%. Critics characterize this as 'packing', concentrating Black voters into fewer districts to reduce overall representation.
District 9Al Green (D)
Safe DCompetitiveApproximately 97% of prior constituents moved out. Majority-white Liberty County (Trump +4-to-1 in 2024) added, reducing minority coalition. Hispanic CVAP set at 50.3%, a razor-thin majority that the court noted 'effectively functions as a white-majority district on Election Day' due to turnout disparities.
District 15Monica De La Cruz (R)
Lean RSafe RAlready Republican-held after 2022 flip. New lines further solidify GOP advantage by adjusting Rio Grande Valley boundaries.
| District | Representative | Impact | Description |
|---|---|---|---|
| District 35 | Greg Casar (D) | D → R | Most dramatically redrawn, less than 10% of prior constituents remain. Austin-San Antonio corridor split apart, San Antonio base removed, replaced with rural counties. Nominally 52–60% Latino by population but plaintiffs in LULAC v. Abbott argue the new boundaries dilute minority voting strength. Casar chose to run in new CD-37 instead. |
| District 28 | Henry Cuellar (D) | D → Lean R | South Texas district gained heavily Latino Hidalgo County while losing parts of Bexar County (San Antonio suburbs). Hispanic CVAP rose from ~69% to ~87%, a 'packing' strategy that concentrates Latino voters into one seat while draining them from nearby competitive districts. |
| District 34 | Vicente Gonzalez (D) | D → Tossup | Rio Grande Valley district reshaped, heavily Hispanic Hidalgo County removed, conservative Nueces County and Corpus Christi area added. Trump's margin increases from +4.5 to +10 under new lines. |
| District 18 | Vacant (formerly Sheila Jackson Lee) | D → Competitive | Restructured to absorb roughly 75% of former CD-9 voters, increasing Black population share from 34% to ~45%. Critics characterize this as 'packing', concentrating Black voters into fewer districts to reduce overall representation. |
| District 9 | Al Green (D) | Safe D → Competitive | Approximately 97% of prior constituents moved out. Majority-white Liberty County (Trump +4-to-1 in 2024) added, reducing minority coalition. Hispanic CVAP set at 50.3%, a razor-thin majority that the court noted 'effectively functions as a white-majority district on Election Day' due to turnout disparities. |
| District 15 | Monica De La Cruz (R) | Lean R → Safe R | Already Republican-held after 2022 flip. New lines further solidify GOP advantage by adjusting Rio Grande Valley boundaries. |